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Wednesday, June 1, 2016

REPORTERS TELL TRUMP: IT’S A MISTAKE TO ATTACK US!


Following Donald Trump’s criticisms of the political press yesterday, various reporters have hurried to tell us that he is making a mistake. See, for example, what happened on CNN:

On Tuesday’s Legal View, CNN’s Mark Preston asserted that Donald Trump’s latest attack on the media was “an absolute mistake because he doesn’t want to necessarily do that.” Preston soon added that “Trump deciding to take on the media at this point because he doesn’t feel like they are treating him well is actually not a very good strategy — to the point the question was asked to him…do you have a thick enough skin to run for president?

It is safe to say that no Republican candidate will take tactical or strategic advice from CNN. In this case, the assertion that Trump’s push-back against the press is a mistake is ludicrous. On the contrary, Trump’s willingness to take on biased reporters is one of the key qualities that have endeared him to Republican voters.

And distaste for the press is not limited to Republicans. Gallup has repeatedly found that the press is one of America’s most despised institutions, ranking almost as low as Congress. Has anyone at CNN ever suggested that attacking Congress is misguided? Further, last year 70% of Americans polled said that they believe the press is biased, and does not even try to report the news fairly.

In the early stages of the primary season, I was often frustrated by over-the-top attacks on Donald Trump by liberal reporters at newspapers like the Washington Post and the New York Times. This was because I wasn’t a Trump fan, and every time liberal reporters attacked him, his approval ratings went up. This is a lesson that Trump apparently has absorbed better than his opponents in the press, and I don’t think there is any risk that he will stop pushing back now.

Politifact: Hillary Clinton's Repeated Claims Using Private Email Server 'Was Allowed' is False

Katie Pavlich

As Hillary Clinton's email scandal continues to get worse, with an Inspector General report debunking a number of lies about her personal server last week, the Clinton campaign is ignoring the law of holes: When you're in one, quit digging.

In interview after interview, Clinton continues to claim what she did was allowed. This isn't true and now, Politifact is rating her claim that using a private email server to conduct all government business was "allowed" as officially false.

Hillary Clinton is sticking to her defense that her use of a private email server while secretary of state was "allowed," despite a critical independent audit that found it really wasn’t.

Since the news of Clinton’s email came to light in 2015, she has argued that she "complied with every rule" and that the practice was "allowed." We haven’t yet put the issue on the Truth-O-Meter because there were too many unknowns.

But the inspector general’s report has clarified some of those unknowns and demonstrated that Clinton’s exclusive use of personal email was, in fact, not allowed.

The report from the State Department’s Office of the Inspector General shatters one of Clinton’s go-to phrases about her email practice. We rate her claim False. 

But it isn't just Politifact coming down on Clinton's falsehoods. Last week The Washington Post editorial board classified Clinton's email practices as "inexcusable." The New York Timeseditorial board pointed out she's "drowning in email" and the Wall Street Journal focused on the national security risks Clinton took to maintain a personal email server to avoid transparency. USA Today stated plainly, "Hillary Clinton broke the rules." 

Meanwhile, the FBI continues its criminal investigation of the matter. 

Trump's press feud boils over

Trump's press feud boils over  
By Jonathan Easley and Jonathan Swan - 05-31-16 18:35 PM EDT

Tensions between Donald Trump and the national media burst into the open Tuesday during a heated press conference at Trump Tower.

Top anchors for major news outlets peppered the presumptive GOP presidential nominee with questions about why it took him more than four months to give veterans groups the money he touted raising in January.

Some of the reporters accused the businessman of being thin-skinned and said he is seeking to avoid the scrutiny that comes with running for president.

Trump responded in kind, calling a male CNN anchor "a beauty," referring to an ABC News reporter in the audience as a "sleaze" and vowing to take his war against the press to the White House if he's elected.

"I'm going to continue to attack the press," Trump said as the event drew to a close. "I find the press to be dishonest. I find the political press to be extremely dishonest."

The atmosphere at the event appeared tense and could signal a turning point in Trump's conflicted but mutually beneficial relationship with the media.

The real estate mogul has dominated news coverage during his unlikely rise from political outsider to presumptive nominee. One study found that Trump benefitted from $2 billion in free media exposure during the campaign, which helped him to bury his rivals in the Republican nominating contest.

The blanket press converge is no accident. Trump readily makes himself available for interviews, at times appearing on multiple networks in a single day.

Meanwhile, Trump's rise has been a ratings and traffic bonanza for media outlets. News organizations have feasted on Trump's staged events, which have become must-watch television because of his tendency to stir up controversy.

Still, an undercurrent of tension between Trump and the media has long existed.

At rallies, the Trump campaign keeps reporters fenced inside a pen in the back of the room, and the candidate often points at reporters to mock them in front of his supporters.

Veteran Republican strategists, even one who is working with the Trump campaign, say Trump's relationship with the press is like nothing they've seen.

Charlie Black, an adviser to dozens of Republican leaders and now an informal adviser to the Trump campaign, conceded that while GOP presidential candidates have long scored political points by denouncing the press, Trump's feuds with media figures are of a different magnitude.

"[Richard] Nixon used to get his attack dogs to do it," Black told The Hill, recalling the press-bashing role played by Nixon's vice president, Spiro Agnew.

Black pointed to Trump's attempt to vilify Fox News host Megyn Kelly - a feud that was recently defused by a sit-down interview - saying that it "probably went further than anything I have seen anybody else do."

Trump has long complained of being slighted by news outlets that did not take his presidential campaign seriously. Now that he has secured the nomination, that initial dismissal is transforming into scrutiny, and the press is seeking to uncover details about his life as a Manhattan playboy, reality TV star and billionaire dealmaker.

The businessman has mused about "opening up" libel laws to make it easier for him to sue news organizations, and he has raised the prospect of an antitrust investigation into the business practices of Jeff Bezos, who owns The Washington Post and Amazon.

Political watchers say the showdown between Trump and the media cuts both ways.

"I imagine Trump supporters will believe the press is full of sleazy reporters, while some moderates or independents could have second thoughts about him because they expect the president to have a judicious temperament," said Kathleen Jamieson, the director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania.

At Tuesday's press conference, the media outlets pushed back as a group, refusing to allow Trump to take a victory lap at a staged event in his own building that was scheduled around Memorial Day to draw attention to his donations to veterans groups.

The showdown could mark the beginning of a more antagonistic relationship between the media and Trump as he moves into the general election campaign.

Stuart Stevens, a Republican strategist for more than two decades and the chief strategist for GOP nominee Mitt Romney's 2012 presidential campaign, said Trump risks going too far with his attacks on the media.

"Trump is completely without any respect for the purpose of the press," Stevens said.

"Trump understands two things: Submission or defiance. He doesn't understand basic American values."

Still, polls show the public at large has a dim view of the press, making it an easy target. Trump believes he has plenty of ammunition for the fight, often taking issue with the way stories are "couched," as he put it on Tuesday.

A Trump campaign source told The Hill that Trump's attacks on the media are "part of his appeal" in that he "tells it like it is." And when he feels he's being treated unfairly he will hit back.

The Trump campaign source said the businessman was "frustrated" Tuesday that the media ignored all the good he was doing while taking "a negative approach to every story."

"When he thinks he's being covered fairly, he calls reporters directly and sends handwritten notes congratulating them," added the Trump source, stressing that context is important.

New culture wars erupt in House

New culture wars erupt in House
By Cristina Marcos - 06-01-16 06:00 AM EDT

When Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.) offered a measure last summer to forbid funds in an underlying spending bill from being used by federal contractors discriminating against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people, it was approved with little fanfare.

President Obama a year earlier had issued an executive order prohibiting such discrimination by federal contractors. No one bothered to speak out on the House floor against adding the Peters language to a Transportation Department spending bill.

"We thought that was it," Peters said.

Now, almost a year later, appropriations bills are all but under siege over identical amendments.

An Energy Department spending bill failed on the House floor last week after Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney's (D-N.Y.) amendment to enforce Obama's 2014 order was adopted.

Between the conservatives who bolted over Maloney's amendment and Democrats who opposed GOP riders and spending levels in the bill, support for the $37.4 billion legislation collapsed.

Election-year politics are certainly playing a role in the new battles.

The election season always inflames politics on the House floor as lawmakers in both parties eye primary challenges and seek to play to their bases.

But lawmakers say there's more to the story this time around.

They say outrage among the conservative grass roots over the Obama administration's push to require public schools to let transgender people use bathrooms matching their gender identity has provoked a serious backlash that makes the new amendments offered in the House much tougher for Republicans to let stand.

Democrats also see a political opportunity in forcing votes on the amendments.

Much of their strategy in 2016 is about painting the GOP as a reflection of presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump's derogatory rhetoric about women and minorities. Pushing amendments that forbid discrimination, and then watching Republicans fight over them, works to Democrats' favor.

"I think we're living in a new world of Donald Trump and a Republican Party that is driving itself further and further away from common sense and further toward a radical approach to government," said Maloney, an openly gay Democrat who offered the amendments over the last few weeks prohibiting federal contractors from engaging in LGBT discrimination.

To Republicans, the fight has become a proxy battle over what they see as executive overreach. Fewer and fewer Republican lawmakers are backing amendments similar to the Peters and Maloney language. Sixty Republicans backed the Peters amendment in 2015. Only 43 supported identical language last week.

Some Republicans are also offering their own countermeasures.

The House last week adopted Rep. Robert Pittenger's (R-N.C.) amendment to prevent the administration from withholding federal funds as part of its fight against North Carolina's law requiring transgender people to use the bathroom corresponding with their gender at birth.

The language was added to last week's spending bill, and Pittenger promises to repeat the move with future appropriations bills.

"Yes, we are a pluralistic society. Yes, we need to have respect for all people," Pittenger said. But Obama, he says, "needs to be reined in."

The fighting has divided House Republicans and complicated Speaker Paul Ryan's (R-Wis.) job.

Seven House Republicans came under fire after they were accused of switching sides under pressure from GOP leaders so that Maloney's amendment would fail the first time it was offered.

At a closed-door GOP conference meeting last week, one Georgia lawmaker (Rep. Rick Allen) read a Bible passage condemning homosexuality and suggested that people voting for the Democratic amendment were committing a sin. Several Republican lawmakers walked out of the room in disgust.

Republicans who voted for the anti-discrimination measure in 2015 but later opposed it, such as Rep. Jim Renacci (R-Ohio), said they backtracked after concerns emerged later about conflicts with the free expression of religion.

"Renacci was confident religious liberties would be fully protected at the time he took the vote on the Peters amendment, but after talking further with constituents, he believed that such amendments should expressly clarify that religious liberties would remain fully protected," spokeswoman Lizzie Litzow said.

This time, the fight over transgender bathroom policies and LGBT discrimination is part of what Republicans such as Rep. Bradley Byrne (R-Ala.) see as a string of events downplaying religious freedom.

He cited the Supreme Court's ruling in the ObamaCare decision involving Hobby Lobby, the crafts store that sued over the healthcare reform law's requirement that businesses offer coverage for birth control.

"In general, I think there is less support among the liberal Democrats for anything having to do with religion. They're becoming anti-religion," Byrne said.

House GOP leaders are trying to avoid another fight over LGBT discrimination by possibly limiting or adding restrictions to the open process currently used to consider appropriations bills.

When asked about the GOP criticism that he offered his amendment merely as a political maneuver, Maloney shot back: "I think that's easy for someone to say who has all their rights.

"As you can see, the war's not over."

Hillary’s Service as Secretary of State: A Failure of Leadership (and a National Security Disaster)

The Myths of American Slavery

Hillary’s Potential Email Felonies